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Paul's avatar

The Junior Partner strategy seems like less of a "strategy" per se, more of a tactic predicated on a) many left-leaning districts being vulnerable in the ways you describe, and b) state Democratic party apparatuses being asleep at the wheel or in disarray. So when this was something new and novel in 2016-2020 you could read it as something durable if you're just talking scoreboard. But after a cycle or two the party apparatus jolts awake and cash floods in from elsewhere to defeat (for example) Jamaal Bowman and it works because as you said, "the vast majority of people in the district are not in any meaningful sense organized for, mobilized behind, or in many cases even conscious of the radical politics of the new representative they’ve 'chosen.'” It's not like Dems are short of money or eagerness to defeat left insurgents. It's their favorite thing to do! Unlike beating Republicans they're actually really good at it. It just takes a little time.

I'm curious to hear more on your thinking, because the alternatives to running candidates as Dems seem equally unappetizing and we have so few recent success stories to draw upon. Kshama? Who else? Oof.

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Max F.'s avatar

I do think "winning" is super important for building power and activist morale and momentum, whether winning electoral or legislative victories. I've always held a both-and perspective about the role of socialist elex: win material gains for the working class AND organize their constituents; don't understand why these have to be mutually exclusive. I used to be in a small DSA chapter than ran two candidates in separate cycles: one on the Green Party ballot line in the general in a deep blue district, and one on the Dem line, both of which failed to move beyond the Brahmin Left base (for lack of precise terms) and ultimately failed. This essentially demoralized the chapter out of engaging on the electoral terrain- the chapter simultaneously turned to internal squabbles, and muted attempts and "hyperlocal" organizing.

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